Getting Serious about Cost Containment
Understanding the ACA’s Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB)
THE PATIENT PROTECTION AND Affordable
Care Act (ACA) brings unprecedented changes to the American health care system.
Through the individual mandate, health insurance exchanges, and the expansion
of Medicaid, the nation may finally shed its dubious title as the sole Western
nation without universal coverage.
A lesser-known piece of the law has the potential to tackle an
even greater challenge: the unsustainable growth in health care spending.
National health care costs are now an all too familiar problem. In 2009, the U.S.
topped $2.5 trillion in health care expenditures, or 17.6 percent of GDP. This
equates to $8,086 per person, more than twice the average of the highest
spending countries.1,2 The unyielding growth in federal health
program costs, most notably Medicare and Medicaid, remains the single greatest
threat to our nation’s fiscal health and long-term deficits.
Extended life expectancy and an aging baby boomer population
means spending will continue to accelerate, and the CBO projects that direct
federal health costs will total 9.7 percent of GDP by 2030 and 13.7 percent by
2050, with national health expenditures nearing 50 percent of GDP by 2080.3
The ACA begins to take important steps to combat these trends and
improve the value of the health care dollar through accountable care
organizations, comparative effectiveness research, and value-based purchasing. Arguably
the most significant effort to contain costs, though, can be found in Section
3403 of the ACA and is known as the Independent Payment Advisory Board (IPAB).4
Consisting of a 15-member panel of presidential appointees,
IPAB’s task is to produce recommendations to hold down Medicare spending, if
the program’s per capita growth exceeds established limits. Beginning in 2015,
IPAB will make recommendations with the spending target tied to the Consumer
Price Index (CPI), better known as inflation. After 2020, the target will be
tied to GDP plus one percent, a historically less-restricting trend. Most
importantly, the IPAB recommendations offered to Congress are binding, for
legislators must either approve the proposals or find equally effective
alternatives to offset the costs.
As the federal government has an increasing stake in future
health care spending through Medicare, Medicaid and the ACA’s low-income
subsidies, an effort to address the underlying costs is imperative for public
programs, payers, and employers. IPAB is in a unique position to fast-track
successful cost-saving models, mobilize the leverage of the nation’s largest
purchaser, and truly effect health system change. Yet the IPAB itself is on life support, as
both the House and Senate rescind $10 million of the $15 million allocated by
the ACA in their proposed FY2013 budgets.
The highly politicized nature of reigning in Medicare costs and
the failure of Congress to take action in the last several decades justifies
new approaches to real cost containment. Nevertheless, the inability to adopt
serious cost control measures has created skepticism and has cast IPAB as a
controversial body comprised of unelected bureaucrats who are accountable to
few. These concerns are probably overblown, since Congress has the ability to
override IPAB recommendations by enacting comparable cost controls. Efforts to
repeal IPAB are commonplace in the House, where it is referred to as a “rationing
board” and “the real death panel,” yet little is being done to address long
term costs containment.5
This picture offers further justification for IPAB’s necessity. The
mere presence of the board requires recognition of the need for a Congressional
plan to control Medicare costs, something vehemently avoided in the current age
of political polarization and special interest influence. Additionally,
concerns about restricting access to care are addressed in the ACA itself, as
IPAB is unable to make any recommendations that would alter plan benefits or
eligibility levels, and has explicit language against the notion of “rationing”
care.6
Organizations such as the American Hospital Association (AHA) and
the American Medical Association (AMA) fear that IPAB will simply cut provider
reimbursements in order to meet spending targets, and are also pushing for its
repeal. Their concerns are valid, but too generalized, as IPAB would be able to
propose smarter changes than blunt across-the-board payment reductions as seen
in the Sequester. Including strategies similar to those offered by organizations like the Medicare Payment
Advisory Committee (MedPAC) into IPAB recommendations is a more realistic
scenario.
At present, Congress
routinely ignores MedPAC recommendations. Examples of MedPAC strategies
include targeted reductions to areas of overpayment and high-cost procedures,
coupled with a greater investment in primary care. Moreover, IPAB would be able
to look at bold new strategies to ensure the future stability of Medicare. For
example, given the increasing use of pharmaceutical therapies, recommendations
could include Medicare Part D amendments like additional drug manufacturer
rebates, negotiated rates, or even a Medicare-operated plan to compete with
private drug plans.7
IPAB will indeed have broad-reaching implications, as Medicare
arguably sets the bar for health coverage, price, quality measurement, and
workforce training and distribution. Not only is IPAB commissioned to make
recommendations for Medicare, but is also instructed to produce non-binding
advisory recommendations for non-federal programs, national health expenditure,
and health policy issues that affect both public and
private health care systems.8 Such recommendations could have
lasting effects on the health care system, particularly in the federally
subsidized state-based health insurance exchanges.
Future challenges will include how best to parallel IPAB’s work
with the efforts of the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services (CMS). Maximizing collaboration and information flow through
public-private partnerships will be vital, as well. Concurrent investigations
through ACA-established bodies like the Patient-Centered Outcomes Research
Institute (PCORI) and Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation (CMMI) will
glean novel models of evidence-based health care delivery and financing that
IPAB could accelerate.
Pending its survival in the political arena, IPAB will not only
be an effective backstop to impose Congressional discipline, but more
importantly will be a vehicle to efficiently translate this research into
practice.
1 Squires D.A., The U.S. Health
System in Perspective: A Comparison of Twelve Industrialized Nations, The
Commonwealth Fund, July 2011.
2 California Health Care Foundation,
Health Care Costs 101: US Health Care Spending, 2011 Edition.
3 The Long Term Outlook on Health Care
Spending, CBO, November 2007.
4 Public Law 111-148, Section 3403:
Independent Payment Advisory Board.
5 HR 452, The “Medicare Decisions
Accountability Act of 2011,” House Energy and Commerce Health Subcommittee,
Feb. 29, 2012.
6 Aaron H, The Independent Payment
Advisory Board — Congress's “Good Deed,” N England Journal of Medicine, June
2011.
7,8 Ebeler J, Neuman T, Cubanski J. The
Independent Payment Advisory Board: a new approach to controlling Medicare
spending. Kaiser Family Foundation Program on Medicare Policy, April 2011.

